In diplomatic parlance, it could be called a “courtesy call.” These are meetings, usually offered out
of a sense of obligation, by prominent officials: ministers, ambassadors and so forth. They are intended to be short; they
almost never have a prearranged agenda. Usually,
the
demandeur of the courtesy call wants to shake the
prominent person’s hand – at a minimum -- and ideally establish some sort of
connection. Duvergier de Hauranne had
requested such a meeting, and it did take place eventually, with the young
Frenchman introduced to Lincoln by
Charles Sumner, at what amounted to the
President’s open office hours. In
fact, throughout his presidency, Lincoln made a practice of receiving visitors and petitioners on this wildly democratic basis, in what he labeled “public opinion baths.”
In early 1865, Abraham Lincoln held in his hands the future of the country and the
American people. The outcome of a devastating
and traumatic Civil War was no longer in doubt, but a vast challenge of reconstruction
and reconciliation lay ahead. Few
of Duvergier de Hauranne’s conversations in Washington that winter would have
gone at any length without reference to the President and his plans for the
postbellum future. But Lincoln
was still in the minds of most of his countrymen a rough and tumble politician, successful
for sure but not universally admired, not yet a haloed martyr for a sacred
cause.
Duvergier de Hauranne was inclined even before he met Lincoln to defend the incumbent President. “How
can I believe,” he asks, “in the
reputation for incompetence that is imputed to him in Europe? This man who has raised himself by his
own unaided efforts from a “log cabin” deep in the Indiana woods to the
presidency of the United States cannot possibly be a run-of-the-mill
person. He needed a great deal
more than just intelligence – a gift less rare than we commonly realize – which
counts for nothing without character.
He also needed the moral force, those virtues of perseverance and
resolution which are, indeed, the American virtues par excellence.”
As he awaits his turn to meet the President, Duvergier de
Hauranne marvels, again, at the ease of access to the White House:
For a foreigner, the
White House possesses a certain prestige…Yet its doors stand open to every
American: like a church, it is
everybody’s house. At all
hours of the day, you will find curious or idle people milling about in the
great reception room where the President holds his popular audiences. It is said that some visitors – country
bumpkins no doubt – cut pieces from the silk curtains to take home as souvenirs
of their pilgrimage. You may think
that a policeman or at least a guard has been posted. Not at all!
There is only a notice asking visitors to respect the furnishings, which
belong to the government.
While other supplicants sit in a row awaiting their turn, Duvergier de Hauranne is invited over to meet Lincoln:
The President rose to
receive us; it was then that his great height was revealed. I looked up and saw a bony face, framed
by a shock of carelessly combed hair, a flat nose and a wide mouth with tightly
closed lips. His face was angular
and furrowed by deep wrinkles. His
eyes were strangely penetrating and held a sardonic expression; he seemed sad
and preoccupied, bent under the burden of his immense task. His posture was awkward and like
nothing I’ve ever seen before – partly rigid and partly loose-jointed; he
doesn’t seem to know how to carry his great height. We all opened our mouths after the customary handshake, I to
pay him a compliment, Mr. Sumner to explain who I was, and he himself to
respond to my remark and to pretend that he already knew my name. His voice is far from musical; his
language is not flowery; he speaks more or less like an ordinary person from
the West and slang comes easily to his tongue.
It may be that Duvergier de Hauranne is underwhelmed by the Lincoln he meets in
the flesh, as opposed to the conceptual Lincoln he reveres as the embodiment of republican virtue.
Or, perhaps, Duvergier de Hauranne is simply being objective when he
argues that the desiderata of leadership in a republic is inherently different from that of a monarchy like his native France:
…He is simple, serious
and full of good sense. He made
some comments on Mr. Everett and on the unrealistic hopes the Democratic party
entertained four years ago that it could impose its policies on the victorious
Republicans. These remarks may
have been lacking in sparkle, but the thought behind them was subtle and witty. There was not a single burst of
clownish laughter, not a single remark in doubtful taste, not one of the
“jokes” for which he is famous. We
shook hands again and left him to his chores. I took away from this ten-minute interview an impression of
a man who is doubtless not very brilliant, not very polished, but worthy,
honest, capable and hardworking. I
think the Europeans who have spoken and written about him have been predisposed
to consider it amusing to exaggerate his odd ways – either that or else they
went to the White House expecting to see some splendid, decorative figure,
wearing a white tie and behaving in a manner both courteous and condescending
like some sort of republican monarch.
What a stupid and egregious error to expect that Abraham Lincoln, the
former Mississippi boatman, could have the manners of a king or a prince.
…In a republic, people
are more practical and down to earth.
The President is chosen to perform his political functions, not to dance
royal quadrilles nor to gallop up and down in a plumed hat at military reviews. It is not necessary that he be a man of
letters or a scholar; he need not have written philosophical treatises, nor
published a ten-volume set of collected works. He doesn’t even have to be what Americans call “a fine
gentleman.” Uncalloused, perfumed
hands are useless in the rough game of American politics. Provided he does his job well and
honestly, no one troubles to ask whether he writes in a “classical” style or
whether he is dressed in the height of fashion. Despotism holds up little idols for the crowd’s adoration;
but republics fill positions of general esteem and power with carpenters like
Abraham Lincoln.